Nuosu language
Prestige language of China's Yi people
Nuosu
Northern Yi, Liangshan Yi, Sichuan Yi
ꆈꌠꉙ Nuosuhxop
Native toChina
RegionSouthern Sichuan, northern Yunnan
EthnicityYi
Native speakers
(2 million cited 2000 census)[1]
Standard forms
  • Liangshan (Cool Mountain) dialect
Yi syllabary, formerly Yi logograms
Official status
Recognised minority
language in
China (Yunnan province)
Language codes
ISO 639-1ii Sichuan Yi, Nuosu
ISO 639-2iii Sichuan Yi, Nuosu
ISO 639-3iii Nuosu, Sichuan Yi
Glottologsich1238  Sichuan Yi
This article contains IPA phonetic symbols. Without proper rendering support, you may see question marks, boxes, or other symbols instead of Unicode characters. For an introductory guide on IPA symbols, see Help:IPA.

Nuosu or Nosu (ꆈꌠꉙ or written in traditional script, transcribed as Nuo su hxop), also known as Northern Yi, Liangshan Yi, and Sichuan Yi, is the prestige language of the Yi people; it has been chosen by the Chinese government as the standard Yi language (Chinese: 彝语) and as such is the only one taught in schools in both oral and written forms. It is spoken by two million people and is increasing (as of PRC census); 60% were monolingual (1994 estimate). Nuosu is the native Nuosu name for their own language and is not used in Mandarin Chinese, though it may sometimes be translated as Nuòsūyǔ (simplified Chinese: 诺苏语; traditional Chinese: 諾蘇語).[2]

The occasional terms 'Black Yi' (黑彝; hēi Yí) and 'White Yi' (白彝; bái Yí) are castes of the Nuosu people, not dialects.[citation needed]

Nuosu is one of several often mutually unintelligible varieties known as Yi, Lolo, Moso, or Noso. The six Yi languages recognized by the Chinese government have only 25% to 50% of their vocabulary in common. They share a common traditional writing system, but that is used for shamanism, rather than daily accounting.[citation needed]

According to the Encyclopedia Britannica, it is one of the eight Tibeto-Burman languages with over 1,000,000 speakers (others being Burmese, Tibetan, Meitei, Bai, Karen, Hani, Jingpo).[3]

Distribution

Nuosu is mainly spoken in the Liangshan Yi Autonomous Prefecture, Sichuan.

There are other parts of Sichuan where Yi is spoken, including Panzhihua and Leshan.

In Yunnan, Northern Yi (Nuosu) is spoken in the north.

Dialects

Lama (2012)

Lama (2012) gives the following classification for Nuosu dialects.

  • Nuosu
    • Qumusu (Tianba)
    • Nuosu proper
      • Nuosu
        • Muhisu
        • Nuosu (nɔ³³su³³)
          • Yinuo
          • Shengzha
      • Niesu (nie³³su³³)
        • Suondi
        • Adu

The Qumusu (曲木苏, Tianba 田坝) dialect is the most divergent one. The other dialects group as Niesu (聂苏, Suondi and Adu) and as Nuosu proper (Muhisu 米西苏, Yinuo 义诺, and Shengzha 圣乍). Niesu has both lost voiceless nasals and developed diphthongs.[4]

Adu (阿都话), characterized by its labial–velar consonants, is spoken in the Butuo and Ningnan counties of Liangshan Yi Autonomous Prefecture, Sichuan province, and also in parts of Puge, Zhaojue, Dechang, and Jinyang counties.[5]

Nyisu or Yellow Yi (黄彝) of Fumin County, Yunnan may either be a Soundi Yi (Nuosu) dialect or Nisu dialect.

Zhu and Zhang (2005)[6] reports that the Shuitian people (水田人) reside mostly in the lowlands of the Anning River drainage basin, in Xichang, Xide, and Mianning counties of Liangshan Prefecture in Sichuan. They are called Muhisu (mu33 hi44 su33) by the neighboring Yi highland people. Shuitian is spoken in the following locations. Shuitian belongs to the Shengzha dialect (圣乍次土语) of Northern Yi.

  • Mianning County: Jionglong 迥龙, Lugu 泸沽, Hebian 河边; Manshuiwan 漫水湾[7]
  • Xichang: Lizhou 礼州, Yuehua 月华
  • Xide County: Mianshan 冕山镇 (including Shitoushan Village 石头山村[7]), Lake 拉克

Bradley (1997)

According to Bradley (1997),[8] there are three main dialects of Nosu, of which the Southeastern one (Sondi) is most divergent.

  • Northern
    • Tianba 田坝 a.k.a. Northwestern
    • Yinuo 义诺 a.k.a. Northeastern
  • Central (Shengzha 圣乍)
  • Southeastern (Sondi)
    • Sondi
    • Adur

Chen (2010)

Chen (2010) lists the following dialects of Nosu. Also listed are the counties where each respective dialect is spoken.[9]

Phonology

Consonants

Consonant phonemes in Nuosu[10]: 5 [11]: 21 [12]: 88 
Labial Alveolar Retroflex (Alveolo-)
Palatal 		Velar Glottal
plain sibilant
Nasal voiceless m̥ ⟨hm⟩ n̥ ⟨hn⟩
voiced m ⟨m⟩ n ⟨n⟩ ɲ᫈ ⟨ny⟩ ŋ ⟨ng⟩
Stop/
Affricate 		voiceless p ⟨b⟩ t ⟨d⟩ ts ⟨z⟩ ʈʂ ⟨zh⟩ tɕ ⟨j⟩ k ⟨g⟩
aspirated pʰ ⟨p⟩ tʰ ⟨t⟩ tsʰ ⟨c⟩ ʈʂʰ ⟨ch⟩ tɕʰ ⟨q⟩ kʰ ⟨k⟩
voiced b ⟨bb⟩ d ⟨dd⟩ dz ⟨zz⟩ ɖʐ ⟨rr⟩ dʑ ⟨jj⟩ ɡ ⟨gg⟩
prenasalized ᵐb ⟨nb⟩ ⁿd ⟨nd⟩ ⁿdz ⟨nz⟩ ᶯɖʐ ⟨nr⟩ ᶮdʑ ⟨nj⟩ ᵑɡ ⟨mg⟩
Continuant voiceless f ⟨f⟩ ɬ ⟨hl⟩ s ⟨s⟩ ʂ ⟨sh⟩ ɕ ⟨x⟩ x ⟨h⟩ h ⟨hx⟩
voiced v ⟨v⟩ l ⟨l⟩ z ⟨ss⟩ ʐ ⟨r⟩ ʑ ⟨y⟩ ɣ ⟨w⟩

Gerner (2013) and Edmondson, Esling & Ziwo (2017) use the Sinological symbol /ȵ/ to transcribe the alveolo-palatal nasal.

Eatough (1997)'s chart and transcriptions slightly differ from the later sources:

  • The retroflex fricatives and affricates are notated as plain postalveolar (i.e. with /ʃ ʒ/ instead of /ʂ ʐ/)
  • The alveolo-palatal series is notated as palatalized (post)alveolar (i.e. with /ʃʲ ʒʲ nʲ/ instead of /ɕ ʑ ȵ/)
  • The alveolo-palatal (palatalized) nasal includes a voiceless pairing in concordance with the alveolar nasals (i.e. with /n̥ʲ/ in addition to /n n̥ nʲ/)

Eatough (1997) and Gerner (2013) transcribe the voiceless lateral as an approximant /l̥/, while Edmondson, Esling & Ziwo (2017) transcribe it as a fricative /ɬ/. See § Assimilation for descriptions of syllabic realizations of the laterals.

Gerner (2013) segments the bilabial trill [ʙ] as an allophone of the following set of consonants before the vowel phonemes /u u/, while Eatough (1997) and Edmondson, Esling & Ziwo (2017) segment it as a syllabic realization of the same vowels (see § Fricativized vowels):

  • [ʙ] as an allophone of /b/
  • [ᵐʙ] as an allophone of /ᵐb/
  • [dʙ] and [tʙ] as allophones of /d/
  • [ⁿdʙ] as an allophone of /ⁿd/

Vowels

Eatough (1997)

Vowel phonemes according to Eatough (1997)
Front Non-front
unrounded rounded
Close
(fricative) 		loose /i/ /u/
tight /i/ /u/
Close-mid loose /e/ /a/ /o/
Open-mid tight /e/ /o/
Open /a/
Vowel phones according to Eatough (1997)
Front Non-front
unrounded rounded
Close
(fricative) 		loose [z̩] [v̩ʷ]
tight [z̍] [v̍ʷ]
Close-mid loose [e] [ɤ] [o]
Open-mid tight [ɛ] [ɔ]
Open [a]

Gerner (2013)

Vowels according to Gerner (2013)
Front Central Back
unrounded rounded unrounded rounded
Close i ⟨i⟩ ɨ ⟨y⟩ ɯ ⟨e⟩ u ⟨u⟩
Close-mid o ⟨o⟩
Open-mid ɛ ⟨ie⟩ ɔ ⟨uo⟩
Open ɒ̈ ⟨a⟩

Edmondson, Esling & Ziwo (2017)

Vowel phonemes according to Edmondson, Esling & Ziwo (2017)
(Near-)Front Central (Near-)Back
Close lax /i/ /z/
Near-close /ɯ/ /u/
tense /z/ /u/
Close-mid lax /o/
Open-mid tense /ɛ (i)/ /ɔ (o)/
Open /a (ɯ)/
Vowel phones according to Edmondson, Esling & Ziwo (2017)
(Near-)Front Central (Near-)Back
Close lax [i̠] [z̞]
Near-close [ɯ̽] [v͡ʊ]
tense [z̞᫡] [v̙͡ɵ̙]
Close-mid lax [o̟]
Open-mid tense [ɛ̙᫢] [ɔ̙᫈]
Open [ä̙]

Phonation

Nuosu has five pairs of phonemic vowels, contrasting in a feature Eatough (1997) calls loose throat vs. tight throat, while Edmondson, Esling & Ziwo (2017) call it lax vs. tense; Gerner (2013) simply describes the contrast as with and without laryngealization. Underlining ⟨◌⟩ is used as an ad hoc transcription for tight/tense phonation, used both phonemically and phonetically by Eatough (1997), and phonemically by Edmondson, Esling & Ziwo (2017). Gerner (2013) treats the contrast both phonetically and with the transcription of creaky voice ⟨◌̰⟩, while Edmondson, Esling & Ziwo (2017) treat it phonetically as laryngeal register and with the transcription of retracted tongue root ⟨◌̙⟩. According to Eatough (1997), vowel quality (height) is a byproduct of loose vs. tight throat, working as a reinforcement; the phonation type is the primary phonemic distinction, rather than the quality.[13] Edmondson, Esling & Ziwo (2017)'s analysis shows this reinforcement likewise extends to the fricativized vowels (syllabic fricatives). According to Gerner (2013) and Walters (2022), a syllable-final ⟨-r⟩ is added in the Nuosu Pinyin orthography to indicate vowels with tense/tight/creaky phonation.

Quality

Eatough (1997) notes [e ɛ ɤ o ɔ] as sounding slightly closer (higher) than their cardinal values.[13] Edmondson, Esling & Ziwo (2017)'s analysis found this to be true for [ɛ ɔ], while they found [e ɤ] to be much closer (higher) and analyze them instead as more similar to [i ɯ], and found [o] to be slightly more open (lower) than its cardinal value, the opposite of Eatough (1997)'s conjecture.

According to Eatough (1997), the tight throat vowel [ɤ] occurs as a phonetic realization of the phonemically loose throat /a/ (Edmondson, Esling & Ziwo (2017)'s /ɯ/) in the high tone, due to raising of the larynx to produce high pitch; it only occurs in this tone. The loose throat [ɤ] never occurs in this tone, and as such there is no three way contrast known to exist in any tone between [ɤ ɤ a].[14]

According to Edmondson, Esling & Ziwo (2017), vowels are often nasalized after nasal consonants.[15] The tense (tight) vowels often have a schwa offglide [V̙ᵊ̙].[16]

Fricativized vowels

The fricativized vowels (also called fricative vowels or syllabic fricatives) in Nuosu are the close vowel phonemes:

  • unrounded /i i/ or /z z/
  • rounded /u u/ or /v v/

The initial fricative elements of the fricativized vowels /u u/ (which Edmondson, Esling & Ziwo (2017) state have also been notated as /v v/) may be voiceless or voiced bilabial trills [ʙ̥, ʙ] after bilabial and alveolar plosives; both the lax and tense variants may be either type of voicing, depending on the context.[17] Eatough (1997) suggests that the realization is more lenis after bilabial plosives, and more fortis after alveolar plosives.[18] The vowel elements may be a range of [u ~ ʊ ~ ɵ ~ ʉ ~ ʏ ~ ø], being fronted especially after more forward consonants. The fricative (or trill) elements may occasionally be reduced to offglides [ᶠ, ᵛ, 𐞄̥, 𐞄], or entirely neutralized.[15] Eatough (1997) transcribes this process instead as bilabially trilled onglides while the fricativized vowel retains its form [𐞄vʷ 𐞄vʷ].[19]

The fricativized vowels /z z/ (which Eatough (1997) notates as /i i/) are described by Edmondson, Esling & Ziwo (2017) as 'voiced alveolar fricative syllabic continuants', which are apical and approximated (more open), and with the tongue position between [i] and [ɨ]; they are more accurately transcribed as [z̞ z̞᫡], or with the Sinological symbol [ɿ]. They may also be fronted to [ʏ] or become fully rhotic [ɚ] after alveolo-palatal consonants. The retroflex pair /ʐ ʐ/ are described as retroflex equivalents of this articulation; they are more accurately transcribed as [ʐ̞ ʐ̞᫡], or with the Sinological symbol [ʅ], and are shown to be allophonic realizations after retroflex consonants.[20] In addition to the assimilated forms described below, Eatough (1997) suggests complementary distribution of [z̍ ~ ʒ̍ ~ ʒ̍ʲ] (or per the later authors' transcriptions [z̍ ~ ʐ̍ ~ ʑ̍]) and equivalent for the tight (tense) form, based on place of articulation of consonant onsets,[21] which is roughly corroborated by Edmondson, Esling & Ziwo (2017) in further detail.

Assimilation

The fricativized vowels show systematic assimilation to preceding lateral continuants and bilabial nasals, resulting in the formation of syllabic lateral and nasal consonants.

According to Edmondson, Esling & Ziwo (2017), the fricativized vowels may assimilate with the laterals /ɬ l/ to form syllabic (and likely approximated) lateral-median fricatives (roughly [ʪ̞̍, ʫ̞̍] for /z z/ and [ʪ̞̍ʷ, ʫ̞̍ʷ] for /u u/), which they transcribe as [ɬ˞l˞, l˞ː, ɬ˞l˞ʷ, l˞ʷː] to indicate quality between /ɬ, l/ and /ɹ̥, ɹ/; the voicing type is determined by the voicing of the laterals, not by vowel tenseness (tightness), and the combined forms in the case of the voiceless laterals indicates lengthened (geminated) with changing voicing. The initial voiceless onsets may be reduced to [h], resulting in the forms [hl˞ː, hl˞ʷː].[16] Eatough (1997) shows almost the same process, but treats them as simple laterals [l̥l, l, l̥lʷ, lʷ].[22] Gerner (2013) provides a similar but narrower analysis, stating only unrounded central [ɨ] assimilates with /l̥, l/ to form syllabic [l̩̊, l̩].[23] Both Eatough (1997) and Edmondson, Esling & Ziwo (2017) show both lax and tense (loose and tight) forms of the syllabic laterals, while Gerner (2013) does not.

In a similar case as the laterals, all authors show some degree of fricativized vowel assimilation with the bilabial nasals /m̥, m/. Gerner (2013) treats this identically to the laterals; only unrounded central [ɨ] assimilates to form syllabic [m̩̊, m̩].[23] Eatough (1997) also treats this closely to the laterals, where /u u/ are labialized, and the voiceless variants are lengthened with changing voicing. However, rather than /i i/ forming simple nasals, Eatough (1997) reports them as forming co-articulated nasals and laterals [m͜l]; this results in the forms [m̥m͜l, m͜l, m̥mʷ, mʷ].[22] Edmondson, Esling & Ziwo (2017) do not include (extra-)labialized forms, but do note the same quality of changing voicing, and still show /u u/ as assimilating under the process just as /i i/ do; this results in the forms [m̥m, mː].[24] Just as with the laterals, both Eatough (1997) and Edmondson, Esling & Ziwo (2017) show both lax and tense (loose and tight) forms of the syllabic nasals, while Gerner (2013) does not.

Nuosu syllable structure is (C)V.

Tones

According to Gerner (2013) and Walters (2022), the Nuosu Pinyin orthography indicates tones with the following letters at the end of syllables:

  • high [˥] / [V̋] – written ⟨-t⟩
  • high-mid [˦] / [V́] or mid falling [˧˨] / [V᷆] – written ⟨-x⟩ (written with the diacritic ⟨◌̑⟩ over symbols in the syllabary)
  • mid [˧] / [V̄] – unmarked
  • low falling [˨˩] / [V̂] – written ⟨-p⟩

The high-mid tone is only marginally contrastive. Its two main sources are from tone sandhi rules, as the outcome of a mid tone before another mid tone, and the outcome of a low-falling tone after a mid tone. However, these changes do not occur in all compounds where they might: for instance ꊈ wo "bear" + ꃀ mop "mother" regularly forms ꊈꂾ wo mox "female bear", but ꃤ vi "jackal" + ꃀ mop "mother" forms ꃤꃀ vi mop "female jackal" without sandhi. The syntax creates other contrasts: tone sandhi applies across the boundary between object and verb, so is present in SOV clauses like ꃅꏸꇐꄜꎷ mu jy lu ti shex "Mujy looks for Luti", but is absent in OSV clauses like ꃅꏸꇐꄜꎹ mu jy lu ti shep "Luti looks for Mujy". A few words, like ꑞ xix "what?", have underlying high-mid tone.

Writing system

Classic Yi is a syllabic logographic system of 8,000–10,000 glyphs. Although similar to Chinese characters in function, the glyphs are independent in form, with little to suggest a direct relation.

In 1958 the Chinese government had introduced a Roman-based alphabet based on the romanized script of Gladstone Porteous of Sayingpan.[25] This was later replaced by the Modern Yi script.

The Modern Yi script (ꆈꌠꁱꂷ nuosu bburma [nɔ̄sū bʙ̝̄mā] 'Nosu script') is a standardized syllabary derived from the classic script in 1974. It was made the official script of the Yi languages in 1980. There are 756 basic glyphs based on the Liangshan dialect, plus 63 for syllables only found in Chinese borrowings. The government requires the use of the script for signs in some designated public places.[26]

A signpost in a public park in Xichang, Sichuan, China, showing Modern Yi, Chinese and English text.

Vocabulary and grammar

Nuosu is an analytic language. The basic word order is Subject–object–verb. Vocabularies of Nuosu can be divided into content words and function words. Among content words, nouns in Nuosu do not perform inflections for grammatical gender, number, and cases, classifiers are required when the noun is being counted; verbs do not perform conjugations for its persons and tenses; adjectives are usually placed after the word being fixed with a structural particle and do not perform inflections for comparison. Function words, especially grammatical particles, have a significant role in terms of sentence constructions in Nuosu. Nuosu does not have article words, but conjunctions and postposition words are used.[27]

Numbers

Classifiers are required when numbers are used for fixing nouns.

Number 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12
Yi script ꋍ ꑍ ꌕ ꇖ ꉬ ꃘ ꏃ ꉆ ꈬ ꊰ ꊰꋍ ꊰꑋ
IPA t͡sʰẑ̩ ɲê̝ sɔ̠̄ lz̩̄ ŋɤ̝̄ fv̩̋ʷ ʂʐ̩̄ he̝̋ ɡv̩̄ʷ t͡sʰz̩̄ t͡sʰẑ̩ t͡sʰz̩̄ t͡sʰē̝ ɲê̝
Yi Pinyin cyp nyip suo ly nge fut shyp hxit ggu cy cyp cy ci nyip

See also

  • Appendix:Yi (Mihei) word list on Wiktionary (Mihei is a Nuosu dialect)

References

  1. ^ Nuosu at Ethnologue (18th ed., 2015) (subscription required)
  2. ^ Zhu, Wenxu 朱文旭; Munai, Reha 木乃热哈; Chen, Guoguang 陈国光 (2006). Yíyǔ jīchǔ jiàochéng 彝语基础教程 (in Chinese) (4th ed.). Beijing: Zhongyang minzu daxue chubanshe.
  3. ^ Matisoff, James A. (November 2008) [First published online 1998]. "Tibeto-Burman languages". Encyclopaedia Britannica. Revised 2008, by Elizabeth Prine Pauls. Retrieved 2024-10-03. There are 8 Tibeto-Burman languages with over 1,000,000 speakers (Burmese, Tibetan, Bai, Yi [Lolo], Karen, Meitei, Hani, Jingpo) ...
    • Note: Encyclopedia Brittanica defines modern Tibetan as having "four dialect groups: Central, Southern, Northern (in northern Tibet), and Western (in western Tibet)". "Tibetan language". Encyclopaedia Britannica. 1998.
  4. ^ Lama, Ziwo Qiu-Fuyuan (2012). Subgrouping of Nisoic (Yi) Languages: A Study From the Perspectives of Shared Innovation and Phylogenetic Estimation (PhD thesis). University of Texas at Arlington. hdl:10106/11161.
  5. ^ Pan, Zhengyun 潘正云 (2001). "Yíyǔ Ādōuhuà chúnruǎn'è fùfǔyīn shēngmǔ bǐjiào yánjiū" 彝语阿都话唇软腭复辅音声母比较研究 [A Comparative Study of Labiovelar Cluster Initials in the Adu Patois of the Yi Language]. Mínzú yǔwén 民族语文. 2001 (2): 17–22.
  6. ^ Zhu, Wenxu 朱文旭; Zhang (2005). "Yíyǔ Shuǐtiánhuà gàikuàng" 彝语水田话概况 [A Brief Introduction of Shuitian Speech Yi Language]. Mínzú yǔwén 民族语文. 2005 (4): 67–80.
  7. ^ a b Main datapoint used in Zhu & Zhang (2005)
  8. ^ Bradley, David (1997). "Tibeto-Burman Languages and Classification" (PDF). In Bradley, D. (ed.). Papers in South East Asian Linguistics No. 14: Tibeto-Burman Languages of the Himalayas. Canberra: Pacific Linguistics. pp. 1–72. Archived from the original (PDF) on 2017-10-11.
  9. ^ Chen, Kang 陈康 (2010). Yíyǔ fāngyán yánjiū 彝语方言研究 [A Study of Yi Dialects] (in Chinese). Beijing: Zhongyang minzu daxue chubanshe.
  10. ^ Eatough, Andy (1997), Proceeding from Syllable Inventory to Phonemic Inventory in the Analysis of Liangshan Yi (PDF), Work Papers of the Summer Institute of Linguistics, University of North Dakota session, vol. 41, archived from the original (PDF) on 2017-10-11
  11. ^ Gerner, Matthias (2013). A Grammar of Nuosu. Mouton Grammar Library 64. Berlin: De Gruyter Mouton. ISBN 978-3-11-030867-9.
  12. ^ Edmondson, Jerold A.; Esling, John H.; Ziwo, Lama (拉玛兹偓) (April 2017). "Nuosu Yi (Illustrations of the IPA)". Journal of the International Phonetic Association. 47 (1): 87–97. doi:10.1017/S0025100315000444. S2CID 232345858.
  13. ^ a b Eatough (1997), p. 2.
  14. ^ Eatough (1997), p. 7.
  15. ^ a b Edmondson, Esling & Ziwo (2017), pp. 88–90.
  16. ^ a b Edmondson, Esling & Ziwo (2017), pp. 88–93.
  17. ^ Edmondson, Esling & Ziwo (2017), pp. 91–92.
  18. ^ Eatough (1997), p. 4.
  19. ^ Eatough (1997), pp. 4–7.
  20. ^ Edmondson, Esling & Ziwo (2017), pp. 92–93.
  21. ^ Eatough (1997), pp. 5–7.
  22. ^ a b Eatough (1997), pp. 3–7.
  23. ^ a b Gerner (2013), p. 31.
  24. ^ Edmondson, Esling & Ziwo (2017), pp. 90–93.
  25. ^ "Yi". WorldLanguage.com. Retrieved 2021-11-05.
  26. ^ Walters, Susan Gary (2022). "Nuosu script in the linguistic landscape of Xichang, China: a sociocultural subtext". Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development. 44 (10): 928–951. doi:10.1080/01434632.2022.2094388.
  27. ^ Xiang, Xiaohong 向晓红; Cao, Younan 曹幼南 (2006). "Yīngyǔ hé Yíyǔ de yǔfǎ bǐjiào yánjiū" 英语和彝语的语法比较研究. Xīnán mínzú dàxué xuébào (Rénwén shè kē bǎn) 西南民族大学学报 (人文社科版) (in Chinese). 29 (8): 62–65. doi:10.3969/j.issn.1004-3926.2006.08.014.

Further reading

  • Collective book, Ritual for Expelling Ghosts, A religious Classic of the Yi nationality in Liangshan Prefecture, Sichuan. The Taipei Ricci Institute (November 1998) ISBN 957-9185-60-3.
  • Ma Linying, Dennis Elton Walters, Susan Gary Walters (editors). Nuosu Yi-Chinese-English Glossary. Nationalities Publishing House (2008). ISBN 978-7-105-09050-1/H.638.
  • Review of Bilingual education and minority language maintenance in China: The role of schools in saving the Yi language, by Lubei Zhang and Linda Tsung. Journal of Linguistics 56: 450—454 (2020).
Nuosu language test of Wikipedia at Wikimedia Incubator
  • Yi font by SIL
  • Pronunciation of Yi Consonant and Vowel
  • Learn Yi Vocabulary
  • Yi language edition of the People's Daily
  • Yi keyboard input
  • 600 Phrases in the Liangshan Yi Dialect
  • Large Chinese forum dedicated to speaking and studying Yi language
  • All Yi characters with audio at Zwordy.com
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